The Gray Zone: Inside the Plan for a ‘New Gaza’ and the Israeli-Backed Militias Waging a Shadow War 

In a shadow war shaping Gaza’s future, Israel is backing four anti-Hamas militias—led by Hossam al Astal, Yasser Abu Shabab, Rami Halas, and Ashraf al Mansi—who operate from Israeli-secured zones behind the ceasefire “yellow line” as part of a coordinated project dubbed “The New Gaza.”

These groups receive weapons, supplies, and logistical support through Israeli border crossings, with indirect coordination often facilitated by the Palestinian Authority, which publicly denies involvement.

While the militias aim to topple Hamas and establish a new administration, their efforts are further supported by external powers, notably the United Arab Emirates, and the concept was publicly endorsed by Jared Kushner, signaling a broader strategy to partition Gaza and channel reconstruction only into IDF-secured areas, thereby creating a dependent, post-Hamas political reality through deniable proxies.

The Gray Zone: Inside the Plan for a ‘New Gaza’ and the Israeli-Backed Militias Waging a Shadow War 

The guns along the “yellow line” in Gaza have fallen silent, but the war for the strip’s future is just entering a new, more complex phase. In the dusty, rubble-strewn landscapes that separate Israeli-controlled territory from Hamas-held areas, a shadow conflict is unfolding—one that could reshape the political and humanitarian reality for millions of Palestinians. 

A groundbreaking investigation by Sky News has pulled back the curtain on this clandestine project, confirming for the first time that Israel is actively backing four distinct anti-Hamas militias operating from within its Gazan security perimeter. These groups, led by men with personal vendettas against Hamas, are not random warlords; they represent a coordinated, if deniable, strategy to cultivate a rival power base from the ashes of the recent conflict. They call their vision “The New Gaza.” 

This is the story of a plan unfolding in plain sight, a messy and morally ambiguous endeavor that reveals the stark realities of post-war power vacuums and the lengths to which regional and global powers will go to shape the outcome. 

The Architects of the “New Gaza” 

The project is personified by four militia leaders who have emerged from the chaos, each with a history of conflict with Hamas: 

• Hossam al Astal: Based near Khan Younis, al Astal is a former Palestinian Authority (PA) security officer who fled Gaza in 2010 after being pursued by Hamas. He returned, only to be sentenced to death by the group in absentia for an alleged assassination in Malaysia. He recounts a dramatic prison break when the war started, claiming Hamas left them to die in Israeli bombings. 

• Yasser Abu Shabab: Operating in the south, his militia was previously exposed by Sky News for smuggling vehicles into Gaza via the Kerem Shalom crossing with Israeli assistance. 

• Rami Halas & Ashraf al Mansi: These two leaders command groups in northern Gaza, with their supply lines similarly traced back to Israeli-controlled crossings or outposts. 

What unites them is not just their opposition to Hamas, but their stated membership in a joint project. “We have an official project – me, Abu Shabab, Halas, and al Mansi,” al Astal stated unequivocally. “We are all for ‘The New Gaza’. Soon we will achieve full control of the Gaza Strip and will gather under one umbrella.” 

The Mechanics of Patronage: Kalashnikovs and Cargo Trucks 

The relationship between these militias and the IDF is one of strategic coexistence, meticulously documented by Sky News through geolocated videos, satellite imagery, and on-the-record testimony. 

1. A Non-Aggression Pact: Al Astal’s headquarters is situated less than 700 meters from an IDF outpost. “I’m hearing the sound of tanks now while I’m speaking,” he noted during an interview, “but I’m not worried.” He described a clear understanding: “We’ve agreed, through the coordinator, that this is a green zone, not to be targeted by shelling or gunfire.” This creates a safe operational space for the militias, free from the immediate threat of both Hamas and Israeli attacks.
2. The Supply Chain: The militias’ lifelines run directly through Israeli military control.

• Weapons: Al Astal claims his Kalashnikov rifles are bought on the black market from former Hamas fighters—a telling detail about the disintegration of Hamas’s monopoly on force. 

• Logistics & Aid: More significantly, ammunition, vehicles, and humanitarian supplies are funneled through the Kerem Shalom and Erez border crossings with Israeli coordination. Sky News verified videos showing cargo trucks delivering supplies to militia bases, with one of al Astal’s vehicles even bearing partially scrubbed-off Hebrew writing. This isn’t just arming groups; it’s building a clientele by enabling them to provide what Hamas cannot: basic sustenance. 

3. The Palestinian Authority’s Ghost Role: A crucial and deniable link in this chain is the Palestinian Authority. A member of Rami Halas’s militia revealed that coordination is handled through the District Coordination Office, an Israeli defense ministry body that includes PA officials. Al Astal openly admitted, “I have people within my group who are still, to this day, employees of the Palestinian Authority.”

This gives the PA a foot in the door for a potential return to Gaza without the political cost of openly collaborating with Israel. As al Astal cynically observed, “If word got out that they had ties with militias or with the occupation forces, you can imagine how that would look.” The PA’s public denials are a necessary fiction in this high-stakes game. 

The Military Reality: The “Coincidental” Airstrike 

The most contentious claim is that of direct military coordination. Al Astal flatly denies planning operations with the IDF. However, the line between independent action and opportunistic support is blurry. In early October, a battle between al Astal’s militia and Hamas ended with an Israeli airstrike that killed several Hamas fighters. 

Hamas cried foul, accusing al Astal of direct collaboration. Al Astal’s defense was simple: “I don’t control Israeli airstrikes. The Israelis simply saw armed Hamas military groups and struck them.” This plausible deniability is the strategy’s cornerstone. Israel doesn’t need to command these groups; it merely needs to ensure that when they fight Hamas, they have a decisive, aerial advantage. 

This cold calculus is underscored by profound personal tragedy. In April, an Israeli strike hit al Astal’s tent, killing his 22-year-old daughter, Nihad, who was seven months pregnant. His response to this horror reveals the depth of his animosity toward Hamas: “If I listed every crime against children and women, the blame wouldn’t rest on Israel but on Hamas, which hid among the people.” This personal loss becomes a powerful motivator and a shield against accusations of being an Israeli puppet. 

The Geopolitical Chessboard: The UAE and “The New Gaza” Brand 

The plot thickens beyond Israel’s borders. Evidence points to the involvement of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), a key US ally and a signatory to the Abraham Accords. 

• The deputy leader of Abu Shabab’s militia has been photographed next to a vehicle with a UAE license plate. 

• The logos used by both Abu Shabab’s and al Astal’s armed wings are virtually identical to those of known UAE-backed militias operating in Yemen. 

When asked about Emirati support, al Astal smiled and said, “God willing, in time everything will become clear… But yes, there are Arab countries that support our project.” This suggests a broader, US-aligned coalition is quietly assembling behind the “New Gaza” concept, seeking a stable, post-Hamas administration that is hostile to Iran and amenable to regional economic interests. 

The phrase “The New Gaza” itself leapt from the militia bases of Khan Younis to the global stage just days after Sky News’s interview, when Jared Kushner, former senior advisor to Donald Trump, used it verbatim. “There are considerations happening now… to start the construction as a ‘New Gaza’,” Kushner stated, outlining a vision where reconstruction and aid are funneled only into the Israeli-secured areas, effectively creating a fait accompli that partitions the strip. 

The Unavoidable Questions and a Fractured Future 

The “New Gaza” project is not a clean solution; it is a messy, real-time experiment in nation-building from the ground up, and it is fraught with peril. 

1. The Legitimacy Problem: Can these militias, armed and supplied by the very power that destroyed much of Gaza, ever be seen as legitimate rulers by the Palestinian populace? They may provide apples and bananas where Hamas provides only ideology, but their association with Israel brands them as collaborators in the eyes of many.
2. The Spoiler Threat: These groups are, by nature, armed and autonomous. Even if they succeed in weakening Hamas, what is to stop them from turning on each other—or on the PA—to secure their own power, plunging Gaza into a Libyan-style civil war between rival militias?
3. The Long-Term Israeli Strategy: Is this a temporary measure to create a security buffer, or a long-term plan to permanently avoid a “day after” scenario that involves either a full re-occupation or a legitimate, unified Palestinian government? By fostering a dependent, fragmented Gaza, Israel may be opting for a managed conflict over a risky peace.

The battle for Gaza is evolving. It is no longer just a conflict between the IDF and Hamas. It is now also a struggle for the allegiance of a traumatized population, waged with Kalashnikovs, cargo trucks of aid, and the powerful promise of a “New Gaza”—a promise delivered by unlikely allies in a gray zone of war and peace, whose ultimate consequences are yet to be written.